Sunday, April 09, 2006
a short description of three introductions
1. A COMPARISON OF GENDER-RELATED ATTITUDES TOWARDS MATHEMATICS BETWEEN GIRLS IN SINGLE-SEX AND CO-EDUCATIONAL SCHOOLS
Introduction
Move3 The purpose of my dissertation is to make statistical comparisons of gender-related attitudes towards mathematics between girls in a single-sex school and girls in a co-educational school. In conducting this investigation I have considered the recent gender-related alternative conceptions of equity including alternative methods of inquiry and recent developments. Hopefully as studies in new directions evolve, their results will cause presently evolving policies and practices to proceed in a more equitable way.
Although research in this area is an extremely complex process, due to the many factors and their inter-relatedness which impact on attitude and to the inherent problems encountered when measuring such variables as attitude, I am looking for evidence that will test the hypothesis that single-sex schooling for girls provides an environment which enhances girls' attitudes towards mathematics in a positive way. I believe that attitude is the most influential determinant of success or achievement, whether it be in terms of attainment or continued participation, and so this evidence would have important implications.
MOVE 2 Previous research in this area has had a major impact on educational opportunity but may have produced equality of opportunity rather than the provision of equity. Much of this research has been evaluated in a quantitative way, perhaps focused on the inputs, processes or outcomes of education, and determining public policy and practice.
MOVE 1 According to Secada, Fennema and Adajian [1995], the most recent developments in scholarly enquiry have begun to focus on new areas through research in cognitive psychology, by bringing the problem of gender bias to the fore and seeking solutions.
Globally, education is in a transitional state, where there are frequent contradictory calls for reform. In the U.S., Secada et al.[1995] exemplify these changes by looking at efforts in restructuring the classroom, school or district to efforts that include elements of competition and choice in schooling, which up until recently has been thought of as a free public service available to all.
In attempting to investigate equity, it is necessary to anticipate new social questions and new directions in both research and policy so that equity-based ideas can become an integral part of such policies as they are implemented.
In 1991, the National Centre for Research in Mathematical Sciences Education [NCRMSE] [Secada,G. et al. 1995] commissioned a series of papers from mathematics educators on the education of girls. Among those that considered issues of gender-bias was the work of G. C. Leder, which considers how competent people are disempowered by psychosocial processes in classrooms and this would appear to have great relevance to the issue of single-sex schooling.
This topic is of great interest to me as I have recently joined the staff of a single-sex girls' school - the only surviving single-sex school in Bermuda, where the remaining six government schools and three private secondary schools are all co-educational. As the last remaining single-sex institution, the school has to continually justify why it chooses to remain so, and has an important part to play in educating present and prospective parents, as well as the population in general, about gender inequality and the impact that single-sex schooling can have on addressing this problem.
Purposes that the introduction accomplishes. In particular, which "moves" are used in each introduction. : Previous research,
2. Korea’s Information and Communication Technology Boom, and
Cultural Transition After the Crisis
Introduction
MOVE 1 In 1998 the Korean economy appeared to be hopeless in the aftermath of the financial crisis. When in October 1998 the Ministry of Finance and Economy (MOFE) predicted 2 percent growth for the next year, criticism of government’s rosy prediction rained down. At the time, most private research institutions predicted negative economic growth for the next year. Even at the end of 1998, most predictions were for less than 1 percent growth in gross domestic product (GDP) at best. The
International Monetary Fund (IMF) predicted a 1 percent contraction in its report, World Economic
Outlook, and the World Bank predicted 1 percent growth in its Global Economic Prospects, each
published in December 1998. Private predictions remained between –1.8 and 1.0 percent growth for
1999.
The composite index of leading indicators, which predicts economic conditions several months in
advance, made negative economic growth seem inevitable; most variables in the composite index
recorded dramatic declines compared with the previous year. For example, the producers’ shipment
index, which predic ts durable consumption about 6 months in advance, fell from –20.3 to –26.5 percent. The floor area indicated in building construction permits foretold a decline in construction investment from –63.4 to –72.1 percent, and the industrial production index for intermediate construction fell from –30.2 to –32.7 percent between July and October 1998. Predictions based on econometric models, even those using the optimistic assumption of huge inventory adjustments, suggested a maximum of 1 percent growth.
One year later, however, the picture was very different. In fact, in 1999 the GDP growth rate registered a 10.9 percent increase, compared with negative 6.7 percent in 1998. The next year, 2000, saw 9.3 percent growth – two strong years in succession. It had been impossible to predict such strong growth and rapid recovery from the economic data in 1998. In view of the unpredictability of the recovery, some have labeled it another “miracle.” The key to Korea’s miracle recovery was the emergence of a new industry based on information and communication technology (ICT), an area that had not been significant in national accounting previously.1 The year 1998 and the first part of 1999 had been the worst in terms of unemployment and bankruptcy in the modern history of Korea’s economy. Business activity had all but come to a halt, unemployment rates were high, a series of bankruptcies emerged in the wake of a credit crunch, and so on. MOVE 2 The miracle recovery raised a number of questions including the biggest puzzle of all -- why the new ICT industry began to emerge, to put forth its blossoms, in this very dark economic period.
MOVE 3 The aim of this study is to analyze the progress of Korea’s recovery during 1999 and 2000 and investigates the momentum of the rapid development of the new ICT industry. Not only the economic factors that spurred the recovery, but also the philosophical and cultural factors that influenced Korea’s recovery from its worst economic conditions in modern times are considered. Non-economic factors are important to a complete analysis of the recovery progress because the “miracle” cannot be explained by economic factors alone. Section II examines the progress of recovery by tracing the economic situation from 1998 to 2000, and Section III describes the rapid development of information and communication technology and the boom of venture firms. Section IV reviews the momentum of the emerging new industry from the traditional economic viewpoint, and Section V introduces additional cultural factors to explain Korea’s rapid recovery through the development of the ICT industry. Conclusions are presented in Section VI.
Purposes that the introduction accomplishes. In particular, which "moves" are used in each introduction.
→ Background of Korean economy around 1998,
3. The Diversified Future
Introduction
MOVE1 Tanzania is often said to be one of the poorest countries in the world. At the
same time it is described as a country with a large informal, or “second”,
economy. In the mid-1980s, after almost three decades of state-led development
strategies, attempts were made to open up the economy to international
trade, to deregulate internal markets and privatise parastatals and marketing
boards.
These economic reforms were meant to open up opportunities for economic
actors all over the country. Some observers have described both urban
and rural areas as economically thriving. This description has, however, been
questioned by studies showing economic inequalities to be on the rise and
agricultural production growing more slowly than the increase in population.
Still others claim that the well-being of a majority of rural residents actually
has decreased during the 1990s, or at least during parts of this decade. The
starting point for this study is this uncertainty about the results of economic
reforms in rural areas.
MOVE 2 The question that emerges is what kind of dynamics is actually developing
in rural Tanzania. Should an economy that is mainly rural, and that has been
exposed to government regulations, and therefore also possibly “government
failures”, for an extended period of time, not use the opportunities of deregulation
in a more widespread manner? Should not markets more clearly be
seen to be developing on a broad front?
MOVE 3 In this study, we will argue that part of the explanation of the dynamics
that actually unfolds in rural Tanzania, stems from the behaviour of a number
of local economic actors in the economy. We further argue that institutional
set-ups, which are essentially local in their character, guide this behaviour.
First, however, we need to dwell into what might actually be known about
economic development and the state of poverty in rural areas.
Purposes that the introduction accomplishes. In particular, which "moves" are used in each introduction. : Background
Introduction
Move3 The purpose of my dissertation is to make statistical comparisons of gender-related attitudes towards mathematics between girls in a single-sex school and girls in a co-educational school. In conducting this investigation I have considered the recent gender-related alternative conceptions of equity including alternative methods of inquiry and recent developments. Hopefully as studies in new directions evolve, their results will cause presently evolving policies and practices to proceed in a more equitable way.
Although research in this area is an extremely complex process, due to the many factors and their inter-relatedness which impact on attitude and to the inherent problems encountered when measuring such variables as attitude, I am looking for evidence that will test the hypothesis that single-sex schooling for girls provides an environment which enhances girls' attitudes towards mathematics in a positive way. I believe that attitude is the most influential determinant of success or achievement, whether it be in terms of attainment or continued participation, and so this evidence would have important implications.
MOVE 2 Previous research in this area has had a major impact on educational opportunity but may have produced equality of opportunity rather than the provision of equity. Much of this research has been evaluated in a quantitative way, perhaps focused on the inputs, processes or outcomes of education, and determining public policy and practice.
MOVE 1 According to Secada, Fennema and Adajian [1995], the most recent developments in scholarly enquiry have begun to focus on new areas through research in cognitive psychology, by bringing the problem of gender bias to the fore and seeking solutions.
Globally, education is in a transitional state, where there are frequent contradictory calls for reform. In the U.S., Secada et al.[1995] exemplify these changes by looking at efforts in restructuring the classroom, school or district to efforts that include elements of competition and choice in schooling, which up until recently has been thought of as a free public service available to all.
In attempting to investigate equity, it is necessary to anticipate new social questions and new directions in both research and policy so that equity-based ideas can become an integral part of such policies as they are implemented.
In 1991, the National Centre for Research in Mathematical Sciences Education [NCRMSE] [Secada,G. et al. 1995] commissioned a series of papers from mathematics educators on the education of girls. Among those that considered issues of gender-bias was the work of G. C. Leder, which considers how competent people are disempowered by psychosocial processes in classrooms and this would appear to have great relevance to the issue of single-sex schooling.
This topic is of great interest to me as I have recently joined the staff of a single-sex girls' school - the only surviving single-sex school in Bermuda, where the remaining six government schools and three private secondary schools are all co-educational. As the last remaining single-sex institution, the school has to continually justify why it chooses to remain so, and has an important part to play in educating present and prospective parents, as well as the population in general, about gender inequality and the impact that single-sex schooling can have on addressing this problem.
Purposes that the introduction accomplishes. In particular, which "moves" are used in each introduction. : Previous research,
2. Korea’s Information and Communication Technology Boom, and
Cultural Transition After the Crisis
Introduction
MOVE 1 In 1998 the Korean economy appeared to be hopeless in the aftermath of the financial crisis. When in October 1998 the Ministry of Finance and Economy (MOFE) predicted 2 percent growth for the next year, criticism of government’s rosy prediction rained down. At the time, most private research institutions predicted negative economic growth for the next year. Even at the end of 1998, most predictions were for less than 1 percent growth in gross domestic product (GDP) at best. The
International Monetary Fund (IMF) predicted a 1 percent contraction in its report, World Economic
Outlook, and the World Bank predicted 1 percent growth in its Global Economic Prospects, each
published in December 1998. Private predictions remained between –1.8 and 1.0 percent growth for
1999.
The composite index of leading indicators, which predicts economic conditions several months in
advance, made negative economic growth seem inevitable; most variables in the composite index
recorded dramatic declines compared with the previous year. For example, the producers’ shipment
index, which predic ts durable consumption about 6 months in advance, fell from –20.3 to –26.5 percent. The floor area indicated in building construction permits foretold a decline in construction investment from –63.4 to –72.1 percent, and the industrial production index for intermediate construction fell from –30.2 to –32.7 percent between July and October 1998. Predictions based on econometric models, even those using the optimistic assumption of huge inventory adjustments, suggested a maximum of 1 percent growth.
One year later, however, the picture was very different. In fact, in 1999 the GDP growth rate registered a 10.9 percent increase, compared with negative 6.7 percent in 1998. The next year, 2000, saw 9.3 percent growth – two strong years in succession. It had been impossible to predict such strong growth and rapid recovery from the economic data in 1998. In view of the unpredictability of the recovery, some have labeled it another “miracle.” The key to Korea’s miracle recovery was the emergence of a new industry based on information and communication technology (ICT), an area that had not been significant in national accounting previously.1 The year 1998 and the first part of 1999 had been the worst in terms of unemployment and bankruptcy in the modern history of Korea’s economy. Business activity had all but come to a halt, unemployment rates were high, a series of bankruptcies emerged in the wake of a credit crunch, and so on. MOVE 2 The miracle recovery raised a number of questions including the biggest puzzle of all -- why the new ICT industry began to emerge, to put forth its blossoms, in this very dark economic period.
MOVE 3 The aim of this study is to analyze the progress of Korea’s recovery during 1999 and 2000 and investigates the momentum of the rapid development of the new ICT industry. Not only the economic factors that spurred the recovery, but also the philosophical and cultural factors that influenced Korea’s recovery from its worst economic conditions in modern times are considered. Non-economic factors are important to a complete analysis of the recovery progress because the “miracle” cannot be explained by economic factors alone. Section II examines the progress of recovery by tracing the economic situation from 1998 to 2000, and Section III describes the rapid development of information and communication technology and the boom of venture firms. Section IV reviews the momentum of the emerging new industry from the traditional economic viewpoint, and Section V introduces additional cultural factors to explain Korea’s rapid recovery through the development of the ICT industry. Conclusions are presented in Section VI.
Purposes that the introduction accomplishes. In particular, which "moves" are used in each introduction.
→ Background of Korean economy around 1998,
3. The Diversified Future
Introduction
MOVE1 Tanzania is often said to be one of the poorest countries in the world. At the
same time it is described as a country with a large informal, or “second”,
economy. In the mid-1980s, after almost three decades of state-led development
strategies, attempts were made to open up the economy to international
trade, to deregulate internal markets and privatise parastatals and marketing
boards.
These economic reforms were meant to open up opportunities for economic
actors all over the country. Some observers have described both urban
and rural areas as economically thriving. This description has, however, been
questioned by studies showing economic inequalities to be on the rise and
agricultural production growing more slowly than the increase in population.
Still others claim that the well-being of a majority of rural residents actually
has decreased during the 1990s, or at least during parts of this decade. The
starting point for this study is this uncertainty about the results of economic
reforms in rural areas.
MOVE 2 The question that emerges is what kind of dynamics is actually developing
in rural Tanzania. Should an economy that is mainly rural, and that has been
exposed to government regulations, and therefore also possibly “government
failures”, for an extended period of time, not use the opportunities of deregulation
in a more widespread manner? Should not markets more clearly be
seen to be developing on a broad front?
MOVE 3 In this study, we will argue that part of the explanation of the dynamics
that actually unfolds in rural Tanzania, stems from the behaviour of a number
of local economic actors in the economy. We further argue that institutional
set-ups, which are essentially local in their character, guide this behaviour.
First, however, we need to dwell into what might actually be known about
economic development and the state of poverty in rural areas.
Purposes that the introduction accomplishes. In particular, which "moves" are used in each introduction. : Background
